{"id":56711,"date":"2024-06-25T01:00:00","date_gmt":"2024-06-25T09:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/?p=56711"},"modified":"2024-06-27T09:55:24","modified_gmt":"2024-06-27T17:55:24","slug":"chiquita-found-guilty-of-murder-abroad-other-us-food-companies-may-be-next","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/2024\/06\/25\/chiquita-found-guilty-of-murder-abroad-other-us-food-companies-may-be-next\/","title":{"rendered":"A US Court Found Chiquita Guilty of Murder in Colombia. What Does the Ruling Mean for Other U.S. Food Corporations Abroad?"},"content":{"rendered":"<\/div>

There is no justice for the families of massacred banana workers in Gabriel Garc\u00eda M\u00e1rquez\u2019s One Hundred Years of Solitude<\/em>. Their deaths are only remembered by the massacre\u2019s sole survivor, Jos\u00e9 Arcadio Segundo, who spends the rest of his life trying to convince others in his town of what he witnessed. In the book’s final scene, even the town is \u201cwiped out by the wind and exiled from the memory of men.\u201d The fictional banana company\u2019s power is so vast that it can bend history and memory\u2014and murder its workers with impunity.<\/p><\/div>

\n

The novel is a parable<\/a> for how the United Fruit Company, the U.S. multinational giant that rebranded as Chiquita in 1990, sustained its banana plantations across Latin America through ruthless, bloody tactics, confronting consequences only rarely. The fictional massacre is based on real events: In 1928, Colombian troops killed striking United Fruit Company workers<\/a> in a town not far from where M\u00e1rquez grew up.<\/p>\n

Despite this history, the banana giant\u2019s pattern of violent repression wiped out by the wind has arrived at a new chapter.<\/p>\n

After a 17-year legal struggle, survivors of Chiquita\u2019s violence in Colombia received a rare, groundbreaking legal victory. A South Florida jury found the U.S.-headquartered agribusiness liable for financing murders carried out by the right-wing paramilitary group Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC) between 1997 and 2004.<\/p>\n

During these years, Chiquita secretly paid upwards of $1.7 million to the AUC, a designated terrorist organization<\/a>, to act as a security force pacifying the banana-growing region in the midst of Colombia\u2019s decades-long civil war.<\/p>\n

This marks the first time a U.S. court held a corporation liable for human rights abuses committed in another country\u2014which lawyers and advocates describe as a historic legal milestone against transnational corporate abuse.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe level of this victory is so great,\u201d said Charity Ryerson, a human rights attorney and the executive director of Corporate Accountability Lab<\/a>. \u201cI hope that we spend the next three decades unpacking what this means, and that it spurs many, many, many additional cases on this basis, so that we can try to redevelop an area of law that does actually keep up with globalization and really protects the people who are most vulnerable.\u201d<\/p>\n

The U.S. legal system has not kept up with the globalization of the economy, Ryerson continued, resulting in few legal mechanisms to address transnational corporate abuse, including the absence of a comprehensive U.S. federal statute. Even when U.S. corporations are under fire in a lawsuit, cases involving transnational crimes can be dragged out for decades and historically have evaded a public trial before a jury and a verdict.<\/p>\n

\u201cThese big companies usually involved in horrific acts in other countries often settle rather than have those facts see the light of day in court,\u201d said Marissa Vahlsing, a lawyer with EarthRights International, which represented the plaintiffs.<\/p>\n

In this case, \u201c[Chiquita] tried every defense under the sun,\u201d she said. \u201cThey tried to bring it to Colombia. We had to fight for years to keep this in American courts. I think that they felt the plaintiffs would just get tired and the lawyers would get tired and give up.\u201d But they didn\u2019t. \u201cIt was a very tiring case, and we’re not done,\u201d Vahlsing said.<\/p>\n

The jury ordered Chiquita to pay the family members of eight victims a total of $38 million for its crimes. This is just one of many cases representing thousands of victims\u2014the families of banana workers, social activists, and union organizers\u2014seeking to hold Chiquita accountable for murders in partnership with the AUC. The plaintiffs include many wives and children of the men killed, who often \u201chad to leave their homes, leave their farms, move to cities, take refuge somewhere,\u201d said Vahlsing. \u201cTheir lives were turned upside down.\u201d<\/p>\n

Beyond its direct effect on its employees and their families, the United Fruit Company has been described as a \u201cpioneer of capitalist globalization<\/a>,\u201d developing a business model for global, multinational food corporations operating often in resource-rich and poverty-stricken regions of the Global South. This model has continued to be linked to violence and horrific abuses and is rarely held accountable, let alone put on trial before a jury. Still today, many of the largest U.S. food corporations have subsidiaries or parts of their supply chain associated with ongoing human rights abuses.<\/p>\n

For instance, the production of cocoa in the Ivory Coast has a long history of documented human rights abuses, including child slavery on the plantations that supply Mars, Nestl\u00e9, and Hershey, prompting a 2023 federal lawsuit <\/a>against the Biden administration. In Indonesia, the supply of palm oil<\/a> to U.S. commodity traders ADM and Bunge has been linked to deforestation, violent confrontations with state security forces, and land grabs. More recently, an investigation<\/a> by The New York Times<\/em> found that PepsiCo supplies its sugar from plantations in India that push young girls into receiving hysterectomies and entering into child marriages to work alongside their husbands in the fields.<\/p>\n

The recent verdict illuminates one pathway\u2014a feasible legal avenue for comparable cases\u2014for holding U.S. corporations accountable for human rights abuses abroad. The case was litigated in the U.S. under Colombian law, relying on the bedrock legal doctrine<\/a> that a U.S. court can hear a defendant in their jurisdiction for crimes anywhere in the world.\u00a0It\u2019s one of few legal options, following a 2013 Supreme Court decision<\/a> limiting the capacity for cases of international corporate abuse to be heard under federal law.<\/p>\n

\u201c[The Chiquita verdict] helps reinforce that there’s no law-free zone,\u201d said Agnieszka Fryszman, a human rights lawyer with Cohen Milstein, which represented the plaintiffs. \u201cIf companies are operating overseas, in an area where there’s a weak rule of law and weak institutions, they could still be held to account here in their home state and home jurisdiction.\u201d<\/p>\n

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<\/div><\/span>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The novel is a parable for how the United Fruit Company, the U.S. multinational giant that rebranded as Chiquita in 1990, sustained its banana plantations across Latin America through ruthless, bloody tactics, confronting consequences only rarely. The fictional massacre is based on real events: In 1928, Colombian troops killed striking United Fruit Company workers in […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1028,"featured_media":56715,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[3259,10,1,43375],"tags":[],"coauthors":[11198],"class_list":["post-56711","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-food-and-farm-labor","category-food-justice","category-uncategorized","category-the-field-report"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nA US Court Found Chiquita Guilty of Murder in Colombia. 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What Does the Ruling Mean for Other U.S. Food Corporations Abroad?"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/#website","url":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/","name":"Civil Eats","description":"Daily News and Commentary About the American Food System","publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/#organization"},"potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Organization","@id":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/#organization","name":"Civil Eats","url":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/logo.png","contentUrl":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/logo.png","width":800,"height":455,"caption":"Civil Eats"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/"},"sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/pages\/Civil-Eats\/56766540637","https:\/\/x.com\/CivilEats","https:\/\/www.instagram.com\/civileats\/"]},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/#\/schema\/person\/a18518753c942eb280e9cfad3b72b4e8","name":"Grey Moran","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/04f66eaf0ab81fa5e90cd152204991fc","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/f3f58af20da8d707b31ef32f7484c0a0a6839626cca635e84a84a2df1c70452f?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/f3f58af20da8d707b31ef32f7484c0a0a6839626cca635e84a84a2df1c70452f?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"Grey Moran"},"description":"Grey Moran is a former staff reporter for Civil Eats. Their work has appeared in The Atlantic, Grist, Pacific Standard, The Guardian, Teen Vogue, The New Republic, The New York Times, The Intercept, and elsewhere. Grey writes narrative-based stories about public health, climate change, and environmental justice, especially with a lens on the people working toward solutions. 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