{"id":57389,"date":"2024-08-28T01:00:41","date_gmt":"2024-08-28T09:00:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/?p=57389"},"modified":"2024-09-10T15:17:11","modified_gmt":"2024-09-10T23:17:11","slug":"project-2025-calls-for-major-cuts-to-the-us-nutrition-safety-net","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/civileats.com\/2024\/08\/28\/project-2025-calls-for-major-cuts-to-the-us-nutrition-safety-net\/","title":{"rendered":"Project 2025 Calls for Major Cuts to the US Nutrition Safety Net"},"content":{"rendered":"<\/div>

Project 2025, the right-wing playbook for the executive branch, has gained feverish political attention in recent weeks as a central talking point of Vice President Kamala Harris\u2019 presidential campaign and many speakers<\/a> at the Democratic National Convention. The sweeping, 920-page document calls for drastic overhauls of federal agencies as well as the erosion of civil rights and the expansion of presidential powers. It\u2019s an agenda many have described as authoritarian<\/a>. <\/p><\/div>

\n

While the ultraconservative vision has received much scrutiny, its proposal to sharply cut the federal nutrition safety net\u2014and the devastating impacts this could have on food security and hunger\u2014has largely flown under the radar. These plans are detailed in the project\u2019s chapter <\/a>on the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), which calls for drastically narrowing the scope of the agency to primarily focus on agricultural programs. This would involve radically restructuring the USDA by moving its food and nutritional assistance programs to the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS).<\/p>\n

\u201cProposing to reduce benefits to millions of people who are counting on food assistance for their basic well-being is alarming.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

Criticizing the USDA as \u201ca major welfare agency,\u201d the agenda takes issue with the agency\u2019s long-standing nutrition programs that help feed millions of low-income Americans every year, including pregnant women, infants, and K-12 school children. It outlines policies that would substantially cut the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), formerly known as food stamps, and the Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC). It would also shrink federal support for universal school meal programs.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe have really effective federal food assistance programs that are evidence-based, and there’s just a long history of seeking to continuously improve them,\u201d said Stacy Dean, the former deputy undersecretary<\/a> for food, nutrition, and consumer services at the USDA under the Biden administration. Project 2025\u2019s plan would reverse that trajectory. \u201cProposing to reduce benefits to millions of people who are counting on food assistance for their basic well-being is alarming,\u201d she said.<\/p>\n

The proposal to restructure the USDA builds on a previous Trump-era proposal<\/a> to consolidate federal safety net<\/a> programs. This included moving SNAP and WIC–which it rebranded as welfare programs, a term often used pejoratively–from the USDA to HSS. It\u2019s a move that experts pointed out would likely make these programs easier to cut<\/a>, including by designating them as welfare benefits, often deemed unnecessary by conservatives.<\/p>\n

\u201cI think the effect would be to make [nutritional programs] more vulnerable to a kind of annual politics on Health and Human Services issues,\u201d said Shawn Fremstad, a senior advisor at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, who researches food assistance programs. He notes that the level of vulnerability would partially depend on whether these programs are mandatory or discretionary<\/a> spending programs in HHS.<\/p>\n

As Project 2025 has gained scrutiny, Trump has publicly distanced himself<\/a> from the proposal. The project was assembled and published by the Heritage Foundation, a think tank that has long helped set the conservative agenda and informed previous Trump policies<\/a>. For instance, Trump\u2019s 2018 proposal to restructure the federal government and move nutritional programs to the HHS was originally proposed<\/a> by the Heritage Foundation.<\/p>\n

Many of the policies in Project 2025’s USDA chapter are a continuation of the Trump’s administration’s previous efforts to dismantle the federal nutrition safety net. This agenda stands in sharp contrast to Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.\u2019s recent endorsement of Trump as a president who will \u201cmake American healthy again<\/a>.\u201d Instead, as Trump’s former administration assumed its duties, guided by a transition team that included 70 former Heritage Foundation<\/a>\u00a0officials, it repeatedly targeted food and nutritional programs without any sign of changing this policy directive.<\/p>\n

This agenda includes another conservative policy goal that was pushed for by the previous Trump administration and has been gaining traction on a state level<\/a>: imposing stricter work requirements as a condition for receiving SNAP benefits. The plan references a Trump-era rule<\/a>\u2014which was challenged in court and abandoned\u2014that would make it more difficult for states to waive SNAP\u2019s work requirement for able-bodied adults without young children in regions of the country with high unemployment rates or a lack of jobs.<\/p>\n

While Project 2025 doesn\u2019t specify how it would tighten work requirements, re-introducing the Trump-era rule is one avenue alluded to in its agenda.\u00a0The USDA estimated that this rule would have forced 688,000<\/a> recipients, unable to meet the work requirement of at least 80 hours<\/a> per month, to leave the federal assistance program. It\u2019s a rule that experts have pointed out can be challenging for gig workers with inconsistent schedules, people with undocumented health conditions, and people simply struggling to find work.<\/p>\n

\u201cYou\u2019re taking a vulnerable group of people, and you’re removing their one critical access point to food, which is SNAP,\u201d said Dean. The group of adults affected by this policy \u201cmight be unemployed, temporarily unemployed, or they might be in jobs where the hours fluctuate dramatically, or they might have medical conditions that make it harder for them to work but not access to health care to document their health condition,\u201d she added.<\/p>\n

The tightening of SNAP work requirements is often proposed under the assumption that receiving SNAP benefits disincentivizes work, but this isn\u2019t supported by existing academic research.<\/p>\n

\u201cThese rules basically penalize people who are in need of food assistance for no economic gain,\u201d said Pia Chaparro, a public health nutritionist and researcher at the University of Washington who has studied the program. \u201cResearch shows that SNAP participation reduces food insecurity but does not act as a disincentive to work<\/a>. Moreover, research shows<\/a> that the work requirements don\u2019t lead to increased employment.”<\/p>\n

The amount of supplemental assistance people receive on SNAP can stretch a food budget, but isn\u2019t enough to disincentivize working, noted Ed Bolen, the director of SNAP state strategies at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP), a progressive think tank. \u201cThe theory is that if you get $6.20 a day in SNAP, you’re not looking for work enough or not working enough hours. But $6.20 a day, it’s not going to pay your rent,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n

The Trump-era rule was struck down in 2020 by U.S. District Judge Beryl Howell, who determined<\/a> that it \u201cradically and abruptly alters decades of regulatory practice, leaving states scrambling and exponentially increasing food insecurity for tens of thousands of Americans.\u201d<\/p>\n

Since the rule was blocked, employment levels have improved, but food insecurity has not. In fact, the USDA found that levels of household food insecurity soared to nearly 13 percent in 2022, exceeding both 2021 and 2020 levels. This has been attributed to both inflation and the end of pandemic food assistance. In 2022, 44 million people lived in homes without enough food, including 7.3 million<\/a> children.<\/p>\n

\u201cI see these [proposals] as really doing a lot of harm to working-class communities, rural communities, urban communities alike.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

The proposal to tighten SNAP work requirements is one of many\u00a0that would collectively chip away at federal food assistance programs that have supported low-income Americans for decades. It would also eliminate some of the streamlined processes that allow participants in other social benefit programs to more easily receive SNAP benefits, including a cash-assistance program<\/a> for low-income families and a program that helps low-income households with the often steep costs of energy bills.<\/p>\n

The plan also calls for reforming the voucher program for infant formula under WIC, which provides nutritional benefits to pregnant and postpartum women, infants, and children under 6 years old. Currently, states award contracts to whichever infant formula manufacturer offers the lowest net cost in a competitive bidding process. Project 2025 proposes to regulate this process (though it doesn\u2019t specify how), claiming it\u2019s driving monopolies in the marketplace. At the same time, the plan calls for weakening regulations on infant formula labeling and manufacturing to, in theory, prevent shortages.<\/p>\n

\u201cUpending this process could result in a funding shortfall, jeopardize access to WIC for millions of parents, infants, and young children, and result in higher formula prices for all consumers,\u201d said Katie Bergh, a senior policy analyst at the CBBP. \u201cWIC\u2019s competitive bidding process for infant formula saves the program between $1 billion and $2 billion each year.\u201d<\/p>\n

Bergh pointed to a recent report<\/a> from the National Academies of Sciences on supply chain disruptions in the U.S. infant formula market. It concluded that the \u201ccompetitive bidding process is not the driver of industry concentration at the national level,\u201d while also finding that eliminating the program would lead to higher WIC costs and higher formula costs for all consumers.<\/p>\n

In yet another cut to food assistance for children, Project 2025 would also threaten the future of some universal school meal programs. This plan specifically calls to eliminate the Community Eligibility Provision, which was established in 2010 to allow schools in districts with high poverty levels to provide free meals for all students. This provision is widely used across all 50 states<\/a>, providing over 19.9 million school children<\/a> with free breakfast and lunch. The alternative, used in schools without CEP or another universal meal program, is to individually assess each student\u2019s eligibility for free meal tickets.<\/p>\n

Fremstad, of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, points to how CEP reduces the stigma of students being sorted into a different lunch line based on their family\u2019s income, which can be a source of shame and behavioral issues<\/a>. It also removes the penalties that low-income parents face when they can\u2019t provide their child with money for school meals.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe have a situation where there literally is something called ‘school lunch debt<\/a> collection,\u2019 where some schools have been sending debt collectors after very low-income parents to pay for their [child\u2019s] lunch,\u201d he said. It\u2019s one of the many nutrition program cuts in Project 2025 that would further hurt working families, he continued.<\/p>\n

\u201cI see these [proposals] as really doing a lot of harm to working-class communities, rural communities, urban communities alike,\u201d said Fremstad. \u201cAnd I also see them as bad for middle-class people, who are often insecure in the middle class themselves.\u201d<\/p>\n

Read More:<\/em>
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California poised to ban food dye in schools.<\/strong> The California Senate is expected to vote this week on a bill<\/a> that would prohibit K-12 schools from serving food that contains synthetic food dyes. The bill would specifically ban six dyes\u2014Blue No. 1, Blue No. 2, Green No. 3, Yellow No. 5, Yellow No. 6 and Red No. 40. While the F.D.A. has maintained that these food dyes are safe, emerging research<\/a> has found links between synthetic dyes and behavioral issues in children. The bill is the first of its kind in the nation, which could usher in more nationwide change and similar bills.<\/p>\n

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Kamala Harris Proposes Ban on Price Gouging.\u00a0<\/strong>Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris has proposed the first federal ban on price gouging in the grocery store industry, aimed at curbing high food prices. \u201cMy plan will include harsh penalties for opportunist companies that exploit crises and break the rules, and we will support smaller food businesses that are trying to play by the rules,\u201d said Harris, at a campaign speech<\/a> in Raleigh, North Carolina, on August 16, her first address on economic policies. This would be enacted through a Federal Trade Commission ruling, though details of the ban have yet to be unveiled.<\/p>\n

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<\/div><\/span>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

While the ultraconservative vision has received much scrutiny, its proposal to sharply cut the federal nutrition safety net\u2014and the devastating impacts this could have on food security and hunger\u2014has largely flown under the radar. 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